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4 Comments

  1. laurenfink March 9, 2009 @ 12:53 pm

    “Even so, affluenza has reached the point where government interference is necessary to control these wants…”

    This statement makes me nervous. I agree that government interference will be a part of the “cure” for affluenza, but I think it needs to have more to do with controlling firms rather than people. The concept of a government controlling the “wants” of the people brings to mind several failed experiments – Cuba, for example. People have natural “wants” that for the most part are perfectly reasonable – we want to be comfortable, we want to be well-liked, we want to be happy. The problem is when unregulated firms go out and advertise, brainwash and capitalize on those wants, attaching false solutions to them. We will be comfortable if we have a big house and an expensive car, we will be well-liked if we wear designer clothing, we will be happy if we keep buying things that make us happy. Yes, now these attachments or amendments to our wants are fully internalized by the public, but I think it makes more sense for the government to go about addressing the cause of the problem – advertisement and unregulated firms, rather than the effect – a public that buys unnecessary and unhealthy products.

    I like the idea of limiting options to children, but I think it would be even more effective in the long-run to limit the amount of advertising of unhealthy foods that reaches children. It’s a good first step to take unhealthy food out of school, but the children are still being inundated with advertising outside of school. Kids tend to want what they can’t have, especially when they know what it is and that other kids like it.

  2. aice March 9, 2009 @ 10:05 pm

    Lauren, I really appreciate your comment, but I think you may have misunderstood what I was saying. If you read on, I clearly say that the government can’t control the wants (desires) of the people directly. What I was trying to say in the phrase you commented on was that the government will be necessary to control affluenza (whether that be by a carbon tax, limiting the food options to children, or by controlling advertising–which I think is a very good point). I meant that the government (in some cases) will have to control the wants in an indirect way by controlling the causes. I should have been much more explicit in saying that. Thank you for drawing that to my attention.

  3. laurenfink March 9, 2009 @ 10:22 pm

    Sorry for nitpicking about the wording, Ali. I definitely agree with what you are saying. I’m sort of having an inner debate right now about how much government regulation I want in general and I think I took it out on you!

    I think it’d be cool to do something like an ad campaign to teach children about healthy consumption, a mix between regulating advertisement and regulating consumption.

  4. MelanieK March 9, 2009 @ 10:46 pm

    I, too, find it especially interesting to consider the role of government intervention in the context of both affluenza and our country’s current financial situation. We live in a country that very much values capitalism and individualism. Many people are very wary of government intervention and its potential to “rob” the individual of rights and infringe upon our personal freedoms. With lingering Cold War-era taboos against communism and socialism, some people look very negatively upon the notion of government control. However, I believe that the government should hold the fundamental role of acting in the best interest of its citizens. In that context, the government should step in and enact programs that promote the overall well-being of the people. I agree that, in fighting against affluenza and strengthening our country’s economy, government action is necessary and has the potential to bring about a great deal of positive change.

Summer Camp for Radicals: The Union of Radical Political Economics 2007 Summer Conference

Jenna Allard, Solidarity Economy, Solidaritycents

This past weekend I traveled to Pine Bush, New York, for my first . This three-day conference was located at Camp Deer Run, and we all discussed economics around campfires and swimming pools as well as in workshops and plenaries. It was a small and relaxed conference –there were about 90 participants, and many of them had been coming for years, if not decades, and saw their old friends every year. I was presenting with Julie Matthaei and Germai Medhanie, and was initially nervous about presenting without a PhD, but I found a nice mix of practitioners and theorists, and some non-economists. Of course, the old “new left” was well-represented, but there were also members of the new “new left”, and this younger generation of radicals was predominantly involved in grassroots action (and the classically radical leftist activity of union organizing) rather than high theory. Of course there were not as many young women as young men, as I have found before, and I wonder again about the circumstances in our society that might make women less likely to travel alone to conference they had only heard of second-hand, or more likely to be intimidated at the potential of a gathering that promises to be mostly economists with serious academic credentials. At of course, there was the ever-present challenge of trying to build community sustainably; I met some fantastic people and had some fascinating conversations in this community of values, but this community did not express its values in consumption, as we were sitting around talking about climate change while eating off of Styrofoam plates and drinking out of plastic cups.

 

Besides those great conversations and those plastic cups of wine, however, I was there to introduce the concept of the solidarity economy, and to gain support for SEN-US. In this community, socialism, particularly Marxist socialism, was the main, if not the only, alternative to capitalism discussed. So, when we initially introduced the concepts of the solidarity economy, many participants expressed concern about the possibilities for organization or discipline within the movement – after all, this was certainly quite different from union or party organizing. In addition, others feared that need to support for inclusive diversity of vision within the solidarity economy movement would restrict members from advocating a very specific vision of Marxist socialism. These concerns were exacerbated by the fact that the solidarity economy is often difficult to define, but, after three workshops on the topic, most conference-goers were pretty excited by the concept. Though the solidarity economy is essentially value-based economic activity, I always find that a plethora of concrete examples always make it easier to grasp, so in my workshop, I started my discussion of the solidarity economy from discussions of real world practices.

 

Yet, this certain anarchist tendency about the solidarity economy makes some nervous; they argue that this sort of “patchwork” society could never work. I have to say, pragmatically, that, in the short run, creating these inclusive coalitions is the way that an alternative society can be realized. I do have my own vision of socialism, but I admit that it would be simply impossible to organize a mass international movement around it. So, I advocate the solidarity economy for theoretical and pragmatic reasons. In fact, I would describe the solidarity economy concept in a threefold way. First of all, it is framework of values – a theoretical construction. Secondly, the solidarity economy is a form of “naming” by certain organizations to mobilize horizontal connections; describing one’s activities as part of the solidarity economy to tap into an international movement that organizes itself around this term. Thirdly, the solidarity economy movement is an organizing tactic to bring people and initiatives under one big tent in order to create a mass movement for change. To me, the solidarity economy is a possible answer to these concerns about organization and discipline, because it is able to create broader coalitions, and to get people talking who have never talked before. The solidarity economy is a way of building power, and the radical left really needs to be more frank with itself about the issue of power anyway. We need to be unafraid to offer concrete resources, and discuss actual economic bases of power. In fact, the keynote David Gordon lecture at the conference was about exactly that; Jim Stanford, an economist who works with the Canadian Auto Workers Union, spoke engagingly about how activist organizations and radical academics can exchange concrete resources to further the movement. Yet, at the same time, we don’t need to jump wholesale into the right’s definition of power, believing that it is merely the ability to get people to tote the party line. In a community of values, I might have to accept the majority’s priorities, but smaller communities and smaller scales make these choices less frequent and less difficult. I suppose that, in this way, the slight anarchist tendencies of the solidarity economy don’t bother me at all. The trick is balance the need for preserving community-level meaning and values within the solidarity economy movement, and preserving the universal content of the values in the larger mass movement.

Jenna Allard August 24, 2007 at 10:37 am

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